Chat with us, powered by LiveChat Attend a social justice campus event and write a 600 word (double-spaced) evaluation of your experience at the event and its connections to our course themes. Remember that the audience is f - Wridemy Bestessaypapers

Attend a social justice campus event and write a 600 word (double-spaced) evaluation of your experience at the event and its connections to our course themes. Remember that the audience is f

 

Attend a social justice campus event and write a 600 word (double-spaced) evaluation of your experience at the event and its connections to our course themes. Remember that the audience is friends who are not in this class and who have not attended the event. In your evaluation, identify:

·       the main themes of the event

·       who was in the audience and how they responded

·       your experience of being in the audience and how you responded personally and/or politically, and connections to at least 2 ideas presented in our course readings, referring to specific page numbers. 

Assignment #2: Write an evaluation of a campus event focused on or related to social justice (600 words, double-spaced, worth 15 points).

Due by Friday of week 8 at 11:55pm.

Post your submission to GauchoSpace in the folder under Femst 20 Week 8.

Audience: Friends who are not in this class

Why is this a useful Femst 20 assignment? 

This assignment helps you to make connections between what we’re studying in FemSt 20 and events outside of the classroom. It also will help you develop your ability to choose among different forms and styles of writing.

Assignment:

Attend a social justice campus event and write a 600 word evaluation of your experience at the event and its connections to our course themes. Remember that the audience is friends who are not in this class and who have not attended the event. In your evaluation, identify:

the main themes of the event

who was in the audience and how they responded

your experience of being in the audience and how you responded personally and/or politically, and connections to at least 2 ideas presented in our course readings, referring to specific page numbers . 

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Name

Institution

Date

Source one

The first source is Sung Doo Won, and Eun Jin Chang wrote an academic journal. The name of the journal is the relationship between school violence-related stress and quality of life in schoolteachers through coping self-efficacy and job satisfaction (Won). The name of the database where I seek to find such a journal is the springer academic research resources. The reason for selecting this database source in that, the springer database home to more than 40,000 journal and research articles and especially related educational journal resources (Won). The paper is inspiring and has a lot of information that in need and especially in the relationship between school violence and teachers' stress, coping self-efficacy, and the teachers' job satisfaction. Therefore, it will be essential in developing the concept to my reader about the study. Before I selected this source, I have looked for quite a good number of sources, and they did not answer the question about teacher position in school violence, so I continued with the search.

Source 2

The second source is an academic journal written by Michael Furlong and Morrison Gale. The title of the journal is; the school in school violence, definition, and fact. This journal is part of the emotional and behavior disorder journal written in 2000. I searched for this source in the sage journal database (Furlong). The reason why I selected this database to search this source is that the database has a good number of resources and academic journals on psychology. I knew they would have a journal that would address the issue that I wanted to send in this stage. This source will explain the psychological effect of the bullying and violence to the audience the information I will extract from this source will enable me to build the argument that will make it easier for the audience to understand my work. In the database, after searching for the subject which I wanted the source to be about nine articles of the same topic were retrieved, but some were shallow in explanation or did not have what I wanted. Therefore, I selected this article.

Source 3

This source was based on cyberbullying among youth and children. The journal was researched and written by Hinduja, Sameer, and Justine Patchin. The name of the journal is offline consequences of online victimization. School violence and delinquency, the researcher conducted this research to understand what effect occurs on a student who I bulled online. The first database that I thought of and found was oxford biographies(Cornell). This academic resource database has specialized in computer study journals and resources. Even though it has another subject, but I find their computer study resources very detailed. This source will be used to understand the cause and motive of school violence and help the audience know how they can control school violence in their institutions. When I was finding the source, there were a few papers on this topic, but I selected this due to the scope of study it covers.

References Cornell, Dewe. 12 May 2016. oxford bibliographies. https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195396607/obo-9780195396607-0120.xml. 27 February 2020. Furlong, Michael. "SAGE JOURNALS." 1 April 2010. Hammil Institute od disability. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/106342660000800203. 27 February 2020. Won, Sung-Doo. "Springer link." 2 July 2019. Springer Resource. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12310-019-09336-y. 27 February 2020.

,

 Name

Institution

Date

To prepare my essay, I will make use of the following sources

Source 1

The first source is Sung Doo Won, and Eun Jin Chang wrote an academic journal. The name of the journal is the relationship between school violence-related stress and quality of life in schoolteachers through coping self-efficacy and job satisfaction (Won). This journal is part of the School Mental Health journal that prepare d in 2019 as the 12th volume of the journal. In this journal, the researcher conducted a study to understand the association between school violence and related stress, like coping with self-efficacy, job satisfaction, and quality of life among middle level and high school teachers (Won). In the study, the researcher identifies that violence-related stress is not associated with quality of life, job satisfaction, and coping with self-efficacy. The method through which this research was conducted is advantageous and the information that was gathered. This source will be used in understanding the cause of violence in school.

Second sources

The second source is an academic journal written by Michael Furlong and Morrison Gale. The title of the journal is; the school in school violence, definition, and fact. This journal is part of the emotional and behavior disorder journal written in 2000(Furlong). The purpose of this journal is to clarify the historical and definition roots of school violence. The journal also explains how school viole4nce is established, and as the writer Michael explains it, school violence develops slowly(Furlong). This article is fundamental because it joints the previous information that I have on school violence and the current information that I have gathered on the same. It will be used in concept and argument development and support.

Third source

This source was based on cyberbullying among youth and children. The journal was researched and written by Hinduja, Sameer, and Justine Patchin. The name of the journal is offline consequences of online victimization. School violence and delinquency, the researcher conducted this research to understand what effect occurs on a student who I bulled online. From their study, they found out that the student bulled in social media extend the bulling to their peers in school (Hinduja). This article gives a good explanation of how school violence and bullying start and how it can be ended or controlled (Hinduja). The report will be essential in my essay while developing the argument and developing the recommendation for the solution to the school violence problem.

Lastly, I will use statistical data and information to support my argument even if the research will be qualitative. Statistical data give the research outcome high validity and enable the audiences to understand effectively. Accompanying statistical data will be mathematical diagrams that will be used to display the information. I will include charts, graphs, and tables.

Reference

Furlong, Michael, and Gale Morrison. "The school in school violence: Definitions and facts."  Journal of emotional and Behavioral disorders 8.2 (2000): 71-82.

Hinduja, Sameer, and Justin W. Patchin. "Offline consequences of online victimization: School violence and delinquency."  Journal of school violence 6.3 (2007): 89-112.

Won, Sung-Doo, and Eun Jin Chang. "The relationship between school violence-related stress and quality of life in school teachers through coping self-efficacy and job satisfaction."  School Mental Health (2019): 1-9.

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Excellent (A)

Strong (B)

Adequate (C )

Inadequate (D-F)

Description of main themes

4 points

Main themes are vividly described using language accessible to a friend not present at the event

Main themes are competently described using language that is familiar to the course but not to a friend

Main themes are included but with little additional detail. Some language from the course and/or accessible to friends is present but not fully used

Description of main themes are not accessible, are difficult to understand, or are not present

Assessment of audience and audience response

2 points

Audience is described in vivid detail and audience response supported by details that help friend not present at the event understand both response and motivation for the response.

Audience is described and some illustration of audience is included. Response and some motivation for response is included.

Audience is described and response summarized.

Audience is summarized but not described. Response is summarized, but not described.

OR

Description of audience or response is not included.

Description of writer’s experience as an audience member, including personal and/or political response

4 points

Description of the writer’s experience is vividly described and supported with evidence from the event. Connections to personal and/or political response are thorough and illustrated with detail that make connections easy to understand for a reader.

Description of the writer’s experience is described and illustrated with some evidence. Connections to personal and/or political responses are present and supported with some illustrations.

Description of the writer’s experience is included, and connections to personal and/or political responses are made but not illustrated.

Description of the writer’s response is alluded to but not detailed. Connections to personal and/or political responses are unclear or not present.

Connections to course readings

5 points

Connections between the event, the writer’s experience, and 2 course readings are carefully explained so that the reader understands both the main themes of the event and the readings.

Connections between the event, the writer’s experience, and 2 course readings are included and explained in some detail.

Connections between the event, the writer’s experience, and 2 course readings are included, but connections are not easily accessible to a reader.

Connections between the event, the writer’s experience, and course readings are not thorough or are inaccessible to a reader

OR Some element of this requirement is absent.

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The Combahee River Collective Statement Combahee River Collective

We are a collective of Black feminists who have been meeting together since 1974. [1] During that time we have been involved in the process of defining and clarifying our politics, while at the same time doing political work within our own group and in coalition with other progressive organizations and movements. The most general statement of our politics at the present time would be that we are actively committed to struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual, and class oppression, and see as our particular task the development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the fact that the major systems of oppression are interlocking. The synthesis of these oppressions creates the conditions of our lives. As Black women we see Black feminism as the logical political movement to combat the manifold and simultaneous oppressions that all women of color face.

We will discuss four major topics in the paper that follows: (1) the genesis of contemporary Black feminism; (2) what we believe, i.e., the specific province of our politics; (3) the problems in organizing Black feminists, including a brief herstory of our collective; and (4) Black feminist issues and practice.

1. The genesis of Contemporary Black Feminism

Before looking at the recent development of Black feminism we would like to affirm that we find our origins in the historical reality of Afro- American women's continuous life-and-death struggle for survival and liberation. Black women's extremely negative relationship to the American political system (a system of white male rule) has always been determined by our membership in two oppressed racial and sexual castes. As Angela Davis points out in "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role in the Community of Slaves," Black women have always embodied, if only in their physical manifestation, an adversary stance to white male

rule and have actively resisted its inroads upon them and their communities in both dramatic and subtle ways. There have always been Black women activists—some known, like Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, Frances E. W. Harper, Ida B. Wells Barnett, and Mary Church Terrell, and thousands upon thousands unknown—who have had a shared awareness of how their sexual identity combined with their racial identity to make their whole life situation and the focus of their political struggles unique. Contemporary Black feminism is the outgrowth of countless generations of personal sacrifice, militancy, and work by our mothers and sisters.

A Black feminist presence has evolved most obviously in connection with the second wave of the American women's movement beginning in the late 1960s. Black, other Third World, and working women have been involved in the feminist movement from its start, but both outside reactionary forces and racism and elitism within the movement itself have served to obscure our participation. In 1973, Black feminists, primarily located in New York, felt the necessity of forming a separate Black feminist group. This became the National Black Feminist Organization (NBFO).

Black feminist politics also have an obvious connection to movements for Black liberation, particularly those of the 1960s and I970s. Many of us were active in those movements (Civil Rights, Black nationalism, the Black Panthers), and all of our lives Were greatly affected and changed by their ideologies, their goals, and the tactics used to achieve their goals. It was our experience and disillusionment within these liberation movements, as well as experience on the periphery of the white male left, that led to the need to develop a politics that was anti-racist, unlike those of white women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of Black and white men.

There is also undeniably a personal genesis for Black Feminism, that is, the political realization that comes from the seemingly personal experiences of individual Black women's lives. Black feminists and many more Black women who do not define themselves as feminists have all

experienced sexual oppression as a constant factor in our day-to-day existence. As children we realized that we were different from boys and that we were treated differently. For example, we were told in the same breath to be quiet both for the sake of being "ladylike" and to make us less objectionable in the eyes of white people. As we grew older we became aware of the threat of physical and sexual abuse by men. However, we had no way of conceptualizing what was so apparent to us, what we knew was really happening.

Black feminists often talk about their feelings of craziness before becoming conscious of the concepts of sexual politics, patriarchal rule, and most importantly, feminism, the political analysis and practice that we women use to struggle against our oppression. The fact that racial politics and indeed racism are pervasive factors in our lives did not allow us, and still does not allow most Black women, to look more deeply into our own experiences and, from that sharing and growing consciousness, to build a politics that will change our lives and inevitably end our oppression. Our development must also be tied to the contemporary economic and political position of Black people. The post World War II generation of Black youth was the first to be able to minimally partake of certain educational and employment options, previously closed completely to Black people. Although our economic position is still at the very bottom of the American capitalistic economy, a handful of us have been able to gain certain tools as a result of tokenism in education and employment which potentially enable us to more effectively fight our oppression.

A combined anti-racist and anti-sexist position drew us together initially, and as we developed politically we addressed ourselves to heterosexism and economic oppression under capItalism.

2. What We Believe

Above all else, Our politics initially sprang from the shared belief that Black women are inherently valuable, that our liberation is a necessity not as an adjunct to somebody else's may because of our need as human persons for autonomy. This may seem so obvious as to sound simplistic,

but it is apparent that no other ostensibly progressive movement has ever consIdered our specific oppression as a priority or worked seriously for the ending of that oppression. Merely naming the pejorative stereotypes attributed to Black women (e.g. mammy, matriarch, Sapphire, whore, bulldagger), let alone cataloguing the cruel, often murderous, treatment we receive, Indicates how little value has been placed upon our lives during four centuries of bondage in the Western hemisphere. We realize that the only people who care enough about us to work consistently for our liberation are us. Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work.

This focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics. We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else's oppression. In the case of Black women this is a particularly repugnant, dangerous, threatening, and therefore revolutionary concept because it is obvious from looking at all the political movements that have preceded us that anyone is more worthy of liberation than ourselves. We reject pedestals, queenhood, and walking ten paces behind. To be recognized as human, levelly human, is enough.

We believe that sexual politics under patriarchy is as pervasive in Black women's lives as are the politics of class and race. We also often find it difficult to separate race from class from sex oppression because in our lives they are most often experienced simultaneously. We know that there is such a thing as racial-sexual oppression which is neither solely racial nor solely sexual, e.g., the history of rape of Black women by white men as a weapon of political repression.

Although we are feminists and Lesbians, we feel solidarity with progressive Black men and do not advocate the fractionalization that white women who are separatists demand. Our situation as Black people necessitates that we have solidarity around the fact of race, which white women of course do not need to have with white men, unless it is their

negative solidarity as racial oppressors. We struggle together with Black men against racism, while we also struggle with Black men about sexism.

We realize that the liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the destruction of the political-economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy. We are socialists because we believe that work must be organized for the collective benefit of those who do the work and create the products, and not for the profit of the bosses. Material resources must be equally distributed among those who create these resources. We are not convinced, however, that a socialist revolution that is not also a feminist and anti-racist revolution will guarantee our liberation. We have arrived at the necessity for developing an understanding of class relationships that takes into account the specific class position of Black women who are generally marginal in the labor force, while at this particular time some of us are temporarily viewed as doubly desirable tokens at white-collar and professional levels. We need to articulate the real class situation of persons who are not merely raceless, sexless workers, but for whom racial and sexual oppression are significant determinants in their working/economic lives. Although we are in essential agreement with Marx's theory as it applied to the very specific economic relationships he analyzed, we know that his analysis must be extended further in order for us to understand our specific economic situation as Black women.

A political contribution which we feel we have already made is the expansion of the feminist principle that the personal is political. In our consciousness-raising sessions, for example, we have in many ways gone beyond white women's revelations because we are dealing with the implications of race and class as well as sex. Even our Black women's style of talking/testifying in Black language about what we have experienced has a resonance that is both cultural and political. We have spent a great deal of energy delving into the cultural and experiential nature of our oppression out of necessity because none of these matters has ever been looked at before. No one before has ever examined the multilayered texture of Black women's lives. An example of this kind of

revelation/conceptualization occurred at a meeting as we discussed the ways in which our early intellectual interests had been attacked by our peers, particularly Black males. We discovered that all of us, because we were "smart" had also been considered "ugly," i.e., "smart-ugly." "Smart- ugly" crystallized the way in which most of us had been forced to develop our intellects at great cost to our "social" lives. The sanctions In the Black and white communities against Black women thinkers is comparatively much higher than for white women, particularly ones from the educated middle and upper classes.

As we have already stated, we reject the stance of Lesbian separatism because it is not a viable political analysis or strategy for us. It leaves out far too much and far too many people, particularly Black men, women, and children. We have a great deal of criticism and loathing for what men have been socialized to be in this society: what they support, how they act, and how they oppress. But we do not have the misguided notion that it is their maleness, per se—i.e., their biological maleness— that makes them what they are. As BIack women we find any type of biological determinism a particularly dangerous and reactionary basis upon which to build a politic. We must also question whether Lesbian separatism is an adequate and progressive political analysis and strategy, even for those who practice it, since it so completely denies any but the sexual sources of women's oppression, negating the facts of class and race.

3. Problems in Organizing Black Feminists

During our years together as a Black feminist collective we have experienced success and defeat, joy and pain, victory and failure. We have found that it is very difficult to organize around Black feminist issues, difficult even to announce in certain contexts that we are Black feminists. We have tried to think about the reasons for our difficulties, particularly since the white women's movement continues to be strong and to grow in many directions. In this section we will discuss some of the general reasons for the organizing problems we face and also talk specifically about the stages in organizing our own collective.

The major source of difficulty in our political work is that we are not just trying to fight oppression on one front or even two, but instead to address a whole range of oppressions. We do not have racial, sexual, heterosexual, or class privilege to rely upon, nor do we have even the minimal access to resources and power that groups who possess anyone of these types of privilege have.

The psychological toll of being a Black woman and the difficulties this presents in reaching political consciousness and doing political work can never be underestimated. There is a very low value placed upon Black women's psyches in this society, which is both racist and sexist. As an early group member once said, "We are all damaged people merely by virtue of being Black women." We are dispossessed psychologically and on every other level, and yet we feel the necessity to struggle to change the condition of all Black women. In "A Black Feminist's Search for Sisterhood," Michele Wallace arrives at this conclusion:

We exists as women who are Black who are feminists, each stranded for the moment, working independently because there is not yet an environment in this society remotely congenial to our struggle—because, being on the bottom, we would have to do what no one else has done: we would have to fight the world. [2]

Wallace is pessimistic but realistic in her assessment of Black feminists' position, particularly in her allusion to the nearly classic isolation most of us face. We might use our position at the bottom, however, to make a clear leap into revolutionary action. If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression.

Feminism is, nevertheless, very threatening to the majority of Black people because it calls into question some of the most basic assumptions about our existence, i.e., that sex should be a determinant of power relationships. Here is the way male and female roles were defined in a Black nationalist pamphlet from the early 1970s:

We understand that it is and has been traditional that the man is the head of the house. He is the leader of the house/nation because his knowledge of the world is broader, his awareness is greater, his understanding is fuller and his application of this information is wiser… After all, it is only reasonable that the man be the head of the house because he is able to defend and protect the development of his home… Women cannot do the same things as men—they are made by nature to function differently. Equality of men and women is something that cannot happen even in the abstract world. Men are not equal to other men, i.e. ability, experience or even understanding. The value of men and women can be seen as in the value of gold and silver—they are not equal but both have great value. We must realize that men and women are a complement to each other because there is no house/family without a man and his wife. Both are essential to the development of any life. [3]

The material conditions of most Black women would hardly lead them to upset both economic and sexual arrangements that seem to repr

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